Release peace: the magazine

Release peace: the magazine

Analysis & Background Stories on International Affairs

Frontline and Hinterland: Myanmar's Women in the War Against the Junta

Written by: Van H. Thang

This article was published as part of a collaboration with Marquette University and resulted from one of their capstone programs.

Anytime, Anywhere

“We are women warriors, which means we are ready to fight anytime and anywhere. Warriors are brave, decisive, and loyal. We are ready to fight for the people,” said Amara about her commitment to stand against the military junta. In a society where 70 percent of the population believes men make better political leaders, women in Myanmar have nonetheless emerged as key figures in the resistance. When the military arrested Aung San Suu Kyi and members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in February 2021, protests spread nationwide. The crackdown soon escalated into violence and a prolonged civil conflict. At the forefront of the resistance, from the early stage of the peaceful protests to the leadership of armed groups, women have taken on various roles in the conflict. Their participation has come at a high cost, as many have faced harassment, torture, and targeted killings.

The Sarong Revolution

The role of women in standing up against the military dictatorship has been particularly visible in the country’s grassroots movements. In the early weeks of the protests, women comprised 60 percent of protesters despite limited prior involvement in national politics. The Sarong Revolution of 2021 became a striking piece of defiance: Women hung traditional sarongs and undergarments across streets to defy the junta. This tactic drew on a local belief that men lose their power when they walk beneath women’s clothing. This strategic resistance often slowed military advances and allowed protestors to regroup safely.

Civil Disobedience Movement

Women comprise 70 to 80 percent of the leadership of the Civil Disobedience Movements (CDMs). The movement, built on mass strikes and work stoppages by public servants, has significantly disrupted key state functions, including the financial sector and trade. Analysts have credited the movement as “one of the key reasons why the coup failed”. Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur has reported that the military’s annual procurement decreased from $377 million to $253 million from 2022 to 2023.

Operation 1027

Beyond street protests, women have joined armed resistance movements, including the People’s Defence Force (PDF) and several Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs). Their participation ranges from combat operations to logistics and field coordination. Women played active roles in Operation 1027, a campaign that captured over 180 military outposts and several towns in northern Myanmar. The offensive marked one of the most significant territorial setbacks for the junta since 2021. 

The All-Female Fighters of M2W

In the Sagaing region, women established the Myaung Women Warriors (M2W), the first all-female fighter group unit under the PDF. Made up of about 220 members, the group produces and distributes landmines to at over 22 other units. Their coordination of drone-based operations has been credited with several tactical gains, including the capture of Shadaw town in Kayah State without direct combat. These successes highlight the operational depth of women-led resistance initiatives.

A Personal Story: CNDF Defence Secretary Olivia Thawng Luai

Olivia Thawng Luai was an Assistant Director in the Ministry of Health. Now she serves as the defence secretary of the Chin National Organisation/Chin National Defence Force (CNO/CNDF). It was established in 2021 in Falam, Chin State. Olivia has been in charge of a wide range of leadership roles including training the new recruits and being involved in strategy coordination. She has a key role in the administrative decision-making process. Olivia Thawng Luai has been a significant component of CNDF as they close in on key military base.

She plays an essential role not only in the CNDF but also in the greater alliance of the Chin Brotherhood (CB), which consists of five other armed groups. Olivia has been particularly significant as CB strives to establish a unified military and political system in Chin state, starting with everyone in CB undergoing a standardised training. She joined “not only to defeat the military, but also to unite the Chin people” who have been divided between two factions. Olivia’s leadership within CNDF reflects a broader movement of female commanders moving into formal decision-making roles.

Thantlang Administrator Anna

While relatively few go into battle at the frontline, the contributions of female soldiers are central in other essential parts of the resistance’s forces. This includes military training, medical support, and overseeing general logistics. Another case is that of Anna. She was a civil engineer before she joined CDF-Thantlang (Chinland Defence Force), the local resistance force that operates under the Chinland Council (CC).

She has now become a key asset despite lacking a formal title that reflects her contributions. She oversees logistics, infrastructure, supply chains and daily operations at the camp. Her logistical oversight has been essential to sustaining the camp’s operations and security. Her work has been vital in maintaining the group’s operational capacity and morale. Since Anna joined in September 2021, CDF-Thantlang have regained control over 51 villages in the Chin State. Like many women in the state, Anna’s transition from civilian professional to administrator reflects how the resistance requires female logistical expertise.

Persisting Daily Challenges and the Future of Myanmar

Despite their numerous contributions in the resistance against the military, women continue to face immense challenges. Every metric, including issues of safety, health, and the general well-being of women, has plummeted since the coup of 2021. Over 7 million women and girls require humanitarian aid, and deep-rooted patriarchal norms persist in post-coup political structures in Myanmar. Women’s participation in policymaking and constitutional reform remains limited. Yet, organisations such as the Myanmar Women Parliamentary Network (MWPN), comprising of over 100 former MPs, continue to advocate for inclusive governance. A 2024 investigation found that the military now controls only 21 percent of Myanmar’s territory, partly due to the sustained role of women in resistance networks. Through the Federal Democracy Charter (FDC), women have helped shape proposals for a future Myanmar grounded in equality and non-discrimination. Their continued involvement shapes both ongoing resistance operations and discussions about a democratic future.

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