Voter Apathy

Voter turnout for the last Jordanian parliamentary elections, in September 2024, was only 32%. The level of participation is remarkably low for a national election, reflecting a strong lack of enthusiasm among the electorate. While this figure rose slightly from the 2020 election, which only had a 29.9% turnout, it is nonetheless down from previous years (37% turnout in 2016 and markedly below the 56.6% turnout in 2013). This long-term downward trend in voter turnout reflects a growing sense of voter apathy in Jordan. Jordanians have cited their indifference towards elections as a lack of faith in the political system and their feeling that an individual’s vote would not make much of a difference.

The Relevance of Tribalism

In response, recent political reforms have sought to increase political participation in addition to other democratic measures. These goals have been set in place by the Royal Commission to Modernise the Political System. However, for these reforms to be successful, it is important to understand the strong role that the tribe plays in political participation. The term “tribe” used by Jordanians refers to kinship-based social groups native to Jordan. Their influence is rooted in longstanding historical, cultural and political ties to the state. Tribes in Jordan have traditionally been grouped into four categories: nomadic, semi-nomadic, semisedentary, and sedentary. The major nomadic tribes are the bedouins, examples include, in the north is the Beni Khalid, in central Jordan Beni Sakhr, and in the south Huwaytat. Of the semi-nomadic tribes there is Beni Hasan and ‘Abbadis to name a few, and of the semi-sedentary and sedentary tribes, prominent tribes include Majali and Tarawneh.

History of Tribalism and Nationalism in Jordan

For millennia, the role of the tribe in Jordan was as a form of local authority within which to create security and resolve conflict. Then, Jordan became a British mandate in 1921, a fate it held until 1946. During that time, tribal values and the importance of the tribe remained crucial to preserve local culture and established social systems despite top-down colonial rule. However, this also meant that a common Jordanian national identity failed to take shape during the early years of the mandate. Intertwined with several other key factors: One reason was the lingering notions of pan-Arab nationalism that had emerged most prominently during the Great Arab Revolt of 1916, which sought a united Arab nation within the Middle East. Another factor was the unclear vision of the state, both from the British and the first King of Transjordan, Abdullah I. Moreover, the British naturally opposed the emergence of a distinct regional identity for fear of a potential threat to the legitimacy of British rule.

The Impact of Tribal Interest Groups

In place of a coherent national identity, tribal identity continued to serve as the dominant form of group connection. Even after the establishment of Jordanian independence in 1946, tribes remained pertinent to the political system. Under the monarchy, tribes have acted as interest groups and have become interwoven with the state. For instance, up until the 1970s, tribal law and tribal courts were permitted by the state as a form of judicial practice. While tribal law was formally abolished, efforts by tribal leaders to allow for the re-incorporation of tribal judicial practices have been successful. One example of this is the Jordanian Interior Minister’s call in 2015 for a legal framework for tribal law within the state. By 2021, the Ministry of the Interior had announced the beginning of the creation of a document to regularize tribal practices such as jalwa, a form of retribution by exile.

Political Parties and Weaknesses Inherent in the System

Political parties in Jordan first emerged during the 1950s and were at first notably successful, having a solid base of supporters, including many youth, and strong ideological foundations. However, the ban on political parties in 1956 put a stop to political life in Jordan until the 1990s when restrictions on political organization were eased. The newly emerging political parties in the post-ban era were thought to be weaker and incapable of making fundamental political demands. They therefore did not replace the tribes as a significant vehicle of group identity.

Tribalism and Democracy: A Pragmatic or Detrimental Relationship?

Some studies have pointed to tribalism as an identity based clientelism which is detrimental to the values of democracy, such as the “us” versus “them” mindsets often created by tribalism and oftentimes assessed to be detrimental to democracy. However, while tribalism may weaken the ability for a more institutionalized party system in Jordan, there is also an argument that it does not inherently weaken democracy but rather is reflective of the strength of social and cultural identities. Democratic reform, whether it be political or legal, needs to be tailored to the history, culture, and values of a society – in the case of Jordan meaning to incorporate tribalism. The continued importance of tribal identity, particularly as a longstanding source of tension in the nation, is clear – from tribal clashes at universities to tribal protests against recent foreign policy. With this in mind, tribalism can be a powerful means to mobilize citizens, and by focusing on increasing political awareness and ensuring greater representation, tribalism and democratic reform can go hand and hand.

Integration of Tribalism and Reform

The recent political reforms in Jordan are seeking to do just that: increase political representation and democratic initiatives. The 10-year reform plan outlines a gradual increase in political party participation with the goal being a parliamentary-led government. Some believe that these reforms will serve as a step towards greater democracy in Jordan. Others are more doubtful of whether these reforms will be effective in addressing the power imbalance between the monarchy and parliament. However, whatever the outcome of these reforms, tribal identity has and will likely continue to remain a crucial component of political participation in Jordan.